The Wall
Street Journal
By MARCUS
WALKER
BERLIN—Progress
on two of the euro zone's most pressing concerns—containing the crises in
Greece and Spain—faces holdups up in Germany, where Chancellor Angela Merkel is
reluctant to ask parliament to vote on measures that are likely to raise fierce
opposition from within her own coalition.
In either
case, any request for fresh bailouts would likely spur a bruising and
politically damaging fight in Germany's lower house of parliament, the Bundestag.
Such measures are likely to gain passage with the support of opposition
parties. Still, the votes could split Ms. Merkel's center-right coalition ahead
of German national elections in fall 2013. A growing number of conservative
back benchers are opposed to further taxpayer aid for other euro members,
particularly for Greece ,
which many German conservatives view as throwing good money after bad.
The
government also fears that taxpayer aid for Spain
would be hard to justify to lawmakers at a time when Spain
is able to sell bonds comfortably to private investors, and that granting a
Spanish aid request could prompt the market to train its sights on the next
target, Italy .
If Ms.
Merkel has to put new bailout measures to the Bundestag, she will try to do it
in one go, German officials say. "We can't go to the Bundestag again and
again. We have to bundle these questions," one of the officials said. In
addition to further aid for Spain
and Greece , Cyprus is
expected to seek a bailout, which would also need Bundestag approval.
The
government's wait-and-see approach carries risks, some German officials
concede. The present calm in euro-zone financial markets could be short-lived
if investors see that political obstacles could keep Spain
or Italy
from benefiting from ECB bond-market support. Also, shoring up investors'
confidence could prove harder and more expensive if euro-zone governments and
the ECB intervene only when the next wave of panic threatens Spain 's bond
market.
The
Bundestag is likely to continue to approve euro-zone aid requests, as it has
done on all occasions since Greece
first secured a bailout in May 2010, thanks to the support of left-leaning,
euro-friendly opposition parties. But Ms. Merkel's lack of a majority in her
own conservative camp for euro-zone bailouts—evident in several Bundestag votes
over the past year—is politically embarrassing and threatens to increase the
divisions within her fractious government. Many lawmakers in Ms. Merkel's
junior coalition partners, the free-market Free Democratic Party and the
conservative Christian Social Union, are hostile toward further loans for Greece and
skeptical about ECB purchases of Spanish bonds.
The
chancellor's coalition is already squabbling over a number of domestic issues,
from expanding family benefits to quotas for women on company boards. Fresh
fighting over Europe could damage the
government ahead of German national elections in fall 2013, officials fear.
Although
the ECB's offer in August to prop up teetering euro-zone bond markets has
boosted markets' confidence that the euro will survive, the currency bloc's
list of unresolved questions remains long.
In addition
to Greece , Spain and Cyprus ,
Portugal
is likely to need a fresh bailout by next year and is facing a popular backlash
against austerity measures. Slovenia 's
worsening finances are raising concerns that it, too, will need help.
Ms. Merkel
could come under pressure from other leaders to resolve the Greek and Spanish
questions at the European Union's next summit in Brussels on Oct. 18. But a crucial report by
international inspectors on the state of Greece 's
finances might not be ready by then, and the debate over how to keep Greece afloat could continue into November, Berlin officials say.
To trigger
ECB intervention in its bond market, Spain
would first have to apply for a precautionary credit facility from euro-zone
governments' bailout funds, which would oblige Madrid to sign a memorandum on economic
reforms, the implementation of which would be monitored by inspectors from the
EU and the International Monetary Fund.
—David
Gauthier-Villars contributed to this article.
Write to
Marcus Walker at marcus.walker@wsj.com
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