By SABRINA
TAVERNISE and ANDREW ROTHMAY 26, 2014
The New
York Times
The airport
battle was the first time the Ukrainian military had moved so aggressively
against the separatists, who took over government buildings in two eastern
provinces in March, after weeks of low-grade military maneuvers meant to stop
their spread to other areas.
There was
no immediate indication that the Ukrainian military’s operations extended any
further than the strategically important airport and surrounding area. Experts
said that while the military’s attack might have put the separatists on the
defensive, it was unlikely to stop their power.
As fighting
lasted into a rainy evening, the military claimed to have evicted the
separatists from the airport, and had cordoned off the area with roadblocks.
But the sporadic sounds of weapons fire could still be heard, and it was not clear
that government soldiers were in full control. The airport remained closed, and
some local news outlets reported that it was burning.
“I don’t
see this ending anytime soon,” said Oxana Shevel, a political science professor
who specializes in Ukraine
at Tufts University
in Boston . “The
Ukrainian government is saying, This is where we draw the line.” Its ability to
retake the airport, she said, “doesn’t dramatically change things.”
Even so,
the routing of the rebels from the airport changed the optics of the situation
here in favor of the Ukrainian military, which had suffered setbacks for weeks,
and had been seen by many Ukrainians as ineffectual.
Fighter
jets screamed and automatic gunfire popped for hours in and around the airport,
with ground battles against separatists spilling outside its tall black gate.
Thick black smoke dotted the sky and helicopters flew just above the trees,
shaking small houses and blowing the grasses in their garden plots.
The rebel
seizure of the airport early Monday suggested a new escalation by the militants
who in recent days have appeared to lose the political support of the Kremlin,
at least publicly. On Friday, President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia
suggested that he would respect the results of Sunday’s election, in which
Petro O. Poroshenko, a Ukrainian billionaire who knows Mr. Putin, was elected
in a landslide. Many here say separatist leaders had grown confident after
months of swaggering across the provinces with virtually no pushback from
central authorities.
The
fractious groups are not directly under Mr. Putin’s control, and the Kremlin
has denied that its military is involved in the conflict here. But support can
come in many forms, and it is far from clear that Mr. Putin has any intention
of giving up what appears to be a useful geopolitical lever: violence and
instability in Ukraine ’s
east that has left the West flustered.
“What Putin
wants is for Ukraine to be
weak,” said Lucan A. Way ,
a political scientist at the University
of Toronto who specializes in Ukraine and has lived in Donetsk . “Just because he gives verbal
support for the new Ukrainian government does not mean that he will stop trying
to foment unrest in the east.”
By issuing
statements of support, Mr. Putin “gets to look like a statesman,” and blame
whatever problems emerge on the new government, Professor Way said. “He has created a
Frankenstein that he cannot control, and may not even want to,” he said.
Many in Ukraine had feared that Mr. Putin sought the
eastern regions themselves, and was putting troops in position to potentially
seize them in the same way he did Crimea, the southern peninsula on the Black
Sea that Russia
annexed two months ago, setting off a major international confrontation.
But a
subtler maneuver is now emerging, and many experts believe that the most
desirable result for Mr. Putin would be for the troubled areas to devolve into
breakaway status, similar to South Ossetia within Georgia
and Transnistria within Moldova ,
a possibility that ordinary citizens are already talking about.
“It’s a
mess, it’s anarchy,” said Yevgeny Kaplenko, a retired welder, who stood near
his small brick house and yard planted with roses near the airport, as gunfire
popped. “This is going to be a second Transnistria. That’s what awaits us.”
That outcome
would be considered poisonous by many Ukrainians, and would likely have far
more serious repercussions for the world, given Ukraine ’s
enormous size, severe economic problems and geopolitically strategic location
in the heart of Europe .
“Putin
doesn’t want to take these regions and foot the bill for all these old
industries,” Professor Shevel said. “He would rather there be instability,
which makes Ukraine less
attractive to Europe and makes it easier to
extract concessions from the government.”
The day’s
events started shortly after 3 a.m., when dozens of armed men from the Donetsk
People’s Republic showed up at the airport and demanded that all Ukrainian
military and security personnel leave, the airport’s press service said. The
Ukrainian military later issued an ultimatum for the men to leave and began to
attack, shortly after 1 p.m., when they defied the eviction order. A military
spokesman said the operation included fighter jets as well as several
helicopters, which transported Ukrainian soldiers.
Pro-Russia
militiamen took up positions behind trees close to the entrance, near a Metro
supermarket. One of them, shot in the leg, was evacuated in a new Audi, its
license plate obscured with tape. Fighters fired a rocket toward the airport,
then retreated, under sniper fire, to an area where a friendly resident agreed
to drive some of them in his blue car.
The rebels
seemed shaken by the forcefulness of the military response. At the Donetsk government
headquarters, nervous separatists briefed journalists.
“I am
forced to appeal directly to Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin for any possible
aid,” said Denis Pushilin, the speaker of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s
Republic. When asked what kind of aid — military or economic — he said, “any.”
Late Monday
night, a Ukrainian military spokesman, Alexei Dmitrashkovsky, said by telephone
that the army had established full control over the airport and that several of
the militant leaders had requested safe passage, including one known by the
nickname, Abver, described as a Russian passport holder. That claim could not
be corroborated.
After
midnight, Kalinin
Hospital ’s deputy head
doctor, Andrey Sokoleyvich, said the facility had received five people with
shrapnel and bullet wounds. Late Monday evening, a social media account run by
the rebels issued a call for doctors to come urgently to several city
hospitals.
At the
city’s main trauma hospital, a woman wearing a flak jacket with a medical cross
and carrying a holstered pistol said curtly that the wounded, who she claimed
numbered fewer than 10, had been taken to other hospitals.
Earlier, as
evening fell, a crowd of rebel sympathizers gathered outside the occupied
government headquarters and some demanded that weapons be given to ordinary
citizens, reflecting a growing siege mentality. Yaroslav Krakov, 33, said that
every time he went to the rebels to demand a gun he was told none were left.
“We have no
one else,” he said. “Russia
does not need us, that much is obvious. We are nothing to Kiev anymore. We only have Pushilin and
ourselves.”
Mauricio
Lima contributed reporting.
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