By Hugo Dixon December 15, 2014
By Hugo Dixon
Hugo Dixon
is Editor-at-Large, Reuters News. The opinions expressed are his own.
Reuters
First,
parliament must fail to elect a new president. That could happen. A president
needs the support of 60 percent of members of parliament (MPs) and the
government can only count on just over 50 percent to support its candidate.
However,
there is a slim chance that Antonis Samaras can persuade enough MPs to switch
sides to cross the threshold. There is also a small chance that the
conservative prime minister himself will be replaced by a technocrat as the
price for cobbling together the majority needed to elect a president.
In either
case, Athens
could resume negotiations with the so-called troika – the European Commission,
the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund – about future
financial support. Greece
would have to agree to tighten its 2015 budget a bit, continue with structural
reforms and accept monitoring of its economic actions. It would be easier to
accept these conditions after a successful presidential election.
In return, Athens would receive a
final dollop of cash from its current bailout programme and a precautionary
credit line from the euro zone’s bailout fund. It might also get longer to
repay the money it has borrowed from the euro zone. With all this in place, Greece could
tap the bond markets to fund itself.
However,
the government will probably not be able to secure the election of a president.
Although the post is largely ceremonial, the constitution says there would then
have to be a general election.
If Samaras
won that poll, which would be held around the end of January, he could then
continue negotiations with the troika. He would seek to scare voters into
backing him by painting a lurid picture of what a Syriza government would do.
But it is
unlikely Samaras will succeed. Alexis Tsipras, the Syriza boss, has a solid
lead in the polls. He has the best chance of emerging with the largest party.
If Syriza
could implement its programme, Greece ’s
prospects would be bleak. Among its populist proposals are plans to write-off a
chunk of the government’s debt and expand public spending. Both ideas would
provoke a confrontation with the troika that would put Athens on a fast-track to bankruptcy.
While the
euro zone might be prepared, as part of a negotiation, to vary the terms of Greece ’s borrowings, it would not accept a
write-off, or looser terms on Athens ’
budget. Tsipras would not be able to blackmail the euro zone as a Greek
bankruptcy would not trigger domino defaults elsewhere.
Without a
deal with the troika, Athens
would not be able to access the bond market. A run on the banks is then
possible, followed by capital controls. If Tsipras still didn’t change tack,
Grexit would loom.
The good
news, though, is that the chances this particular scenario will unfold are
slim. One reason is that Syriza might well buckle when it sees the troika
remains inflexible.
Another
reason is that, even if Syriza was the largest party after a general election,
it would not have an overall majority. To form a government, it would need
support from one or both of two centre-left parties: To Potami or Pasok. Both
are pro-European, and wouldn’t agree to sign up to a programme that involved
charging over the precipice.
Indeed,
Syriza might struggle to form a government at all, as the compromises it would
need to make to win over these other parties would be hard to sell to its
radical wing.
In such a
scenario, a second election would have to be called. The conservatives might
then make a comeback – especially if they ditched the unpopular Samaras and
replaced him with somebody like Kyriakos Mitsotakis, a younger, more centrist
leader, who would then form a coalition with To Potami.
Such a
scenario might actually be the best outcome. Samaras is preferable to Tsipras
but he has been an erratic leader. His most recent error was to promise that Athens would exit its
bailout programme – a move that frightened the markets and so made it
impossible to secure a clean exit. This was a home goal, just as Greece was
finally turning the corner after its terrible recession.
Another
Samaras mistake was to close down the state-owned broadcaster last year without
telling one of his coalition partners. That lost him a chunk of MPs and, with
them, probably the chance to secure the election of the new president.
The Ancient
Greeks believed in Tyche, the goddess of luck. Sometimes she brought good luck;
sometimes bad luck.
Tyche is
stalking her homeland again. Political risk has shot up. The various scenarios
and sub-scenarios have multiplied. One of these – a Syriza government
implementing its populist policies – would, indeed, spell disaster. But it is
not the most likely outcome. And other scenarios are more benign.
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