By GEOFFREY T. SMITH
Last weekend's meetings of the International Monetary Fund
and G-20 were punctuated by panicked calls for an increase in the size of
Europe's rescue funds, most of them aimed, predictably, at Germany.
German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble must have lost
count long ago of all the wonderful schemes the French have devised for
spending Germany's money, whether from Paris itself, or from the EU and IMF,
where the French genius has always exercised an influence far beyond the
country's political clout. He will also be long used to U.S. calls for Germany
to boost its domestic demand and reduce its current account surpluses, a call
that has never faltered despite the evidence of the 1990s, when a series of
German current-account deficits did nothing to stop the U.S.'s long-term
decline in international competitiveness.
But whereas the interventions of Treasury Secretary Tim
Geithner and IMF head Christine Lagarde fit into a largely familiar, if not
predictable, pattern, Mr. Schaüble must have realized things had taken on a
more serious dimension when the mild-mannered and respectful Canadians, Finance
Minister Jim Flaherty and central bank Governor Mark Carney, started screaming
"DO SOMETHING!!" as well.
There are only two problems with such calls. First, they
address just symptoms of the crisis, not its roots; one could even argue that
they not only perpetuate but intensify the causes of the crisis, making even
worse chaos inevitable a little farther down the road. Second, there is no
conceivable political solution under which they would have the necessary
democratic legitimacy.
The most recent nonsense making the rounds is that the euro
zone should allow the European Financial Stability Facility to borrow,
increasing its available resources and using taxpayers' pledged €440 billion
($597 billion) as a sort of capital base. The notion is that this would ensure
bailout facilities have sufficient "firepower" to "shock and
awe" the doomsayers into a more sanguine state of mind. I use the quotation
marks because such phrases are just shorthand for pumping up moral hazard.
Acting on this plan would lead to the mutualization of hundreds of billions of
Italian and Spanish debt within weeks, without any further adjustment of policy
by the governments in question to defend their own credit. No one appears to
have given a moment's thought to whose money would be put at risk.
Such a fix does nothing other than gain a few more years for
a bankrupt model of governance in much of continental Europe ,
while spooking those countries that have governed themselves better with the
threat of massive debt transfer. If Europe
goes down this route, it will only have to face a far larger sovereign
insolvency crisis in a few years. When it comes, it will involve sharing the
debts of a larger number of debtors among a smaller number of creditors.
In the meantime, it will sustain unsustainable models in
southern Europe at the expense of viable ones north of the Alps .
Frightened businesses hoard. Only secure or confident ones invest. The only
thing to be achieved by spreading insecurity across the whole of northern Europe will be the destruction of the euro zone's only
significant source of growth.
As Axel Weber, the prophet not recognized in his own house,
spelled out with typical force and clarity in a lecture at the weekend, the
most dismaying aspect of the levered EFSF proposal is that it shows Europe 's politicians have learned nothing from 2008.
Leverage gives only the short-term illusion of firepower, at the cost of a huge
increase in risk. Making taxpayers fund a "first loss" tranche of
financing for Europe 's bailout vehicle
massively increases the chance of their funds being wiped out.
The best argument that can be made for levering the EFSF is
that it would smooth the process of deleveraging Europe's banks, allowing them
to get rid of excessive sovereign-debt holdings more quickly, within a
reasonably well-defined legal framework. One positive side-effect would be a
massive increase in EFSF paper in circulation. The creation of a new and highly
liquid, high-quality collateral could over time help to break the vicious
circle created by the mutual dependence of national governments on national
banking systems.
However, as the problems created by the current lack of
faith in Europe 's banks are essentially
liquidity-related rather than capital-related, it would be better for the ECB
to take charge of the process, offering secure long-term funding in return for
gradual balance-sheet adjustment over a mutually agreed period. The resources
of the EFSF would be better used—as already foreseen in the July 21
agreement—to inject capital into insecure banks, and not just the dozen or so
that failed or nearly failed this year's stress test. Quite apart from being
more effective, it would even be legal. Between an EFSF-funded bank
recapitalization and unlimited, conditional medium-term funding from the ECB,
the euro zone has all the tools it needs in the short term.
But the real answers to this crisis lie in a different
dimension: longer working lives, more-efficient public administration, open
professions, completion of the internal market for services (where all net job
creation takes place) and the stabilization of long-term demographic trends by
higher fertility rates. All except the last are manifestly possible. They
require only political will and honesty. Trying to duck those challenges with
ever more arcane, ever more leveraged financial vehicles on ever-shakier legal
ground is a recipe for a far bigger disaster than those prophesied in Washington .
Write to Geoffrey T. Smith at geoffrey.smith@dowjones.com
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