By
Bloomberg News Dec 10, 2013 8:42 AM
GMT+0200
The foreign
policy strategy emerging from China ’s
new leadership may include a series of incremental steps calibrated to blunt U.S. influence across Asia and sow doubt about America ’s
commitment to its allies in the region.
Potential
next steps following last month’s imposition of an air defense zone over the
East China Sea in the face of U.S.
condemnation include more vigorously challenging aircraft that enter the area,
imposing a similar zone over disputed territory in the South
China Sea and asserting naval control over islands also claimed by
other nations.
“Such
actions, if they occur, will cause greater worries in the region and increase
calls for the U.S. to strengthen its military, diplomatic and economic
presence,” said Bonnie Glaser, a senior Asia adviser at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “The risk is of greater
U.S.-China strategic competition.”
A year into
his term as head of the Communist Party, President Xi Jinping is taking
measures to bolster his nation’s standing in the region and counter an
increased U.S. military deployment to Asia. The strategy features such steps as
the air-zone declaration that fall short of direct confrontation yet in time
alter spheres of geographic influence, according to Douglas Paal, director of
the Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in
Washington.
Classic
Game
“China is
playing the classic game of weiqi, wherein it slowly expands influence through
steps that are not a threshold to violence and do not trigger a forcible
response,” Paal said, referring to the strategic board game known as Go in
English. “Next steps are likely in the South China Sea, but this will be
delayed as China
builds out its radar and intercept infrastructure.”
Since Xi
took over, Japan has accused
Chinese ships of locking fire-control radar on its vessels and China
dispatched ships and aircraft near islands claimed by both sides. The Chinese
navy last month deployed its Liaoning aircraft
carrier to the South China Sea, parts of which are also claimed by the Philippines and Vietnam .
The air
defense zone that China
announced Nov. 23 and which also drew criticism from Japan
and South Korea as it
covered islands they claim, gives it a strategic advantage, Li Jei, a senior
captain at the China
Ocean Research
Center , wrote Dec. 6 in
the state-run Global Times newspaper. The zone gives America
and Japan
“no option but to face the reality, negotiate with us, giving us favorable
strategic circumstances,” Li wrote.
Sending
Message
“They’re
saying to America
that we’re so serious about this that we’re prepared to take the risks of being
provocative, in order to persuade you to take seriously that we want to change
the order,” said White, author of the book “The China Choice: Why America
Should Share Power.”
The
increased use of naval vessels and aircraft heightens the danger of an accident
or misstep that could escalate out of control. During a visit to the region
last week, Vice President Joe Biden called on all sides to take practical steps
to “lower the temperature.”
Using Force
At the same
time, the U.S. pivot “will
certainly generate a lot of suspicion and worry in China ,”
said Dong Wang, director of the Center for Northeast Asian Strategic Studies at
Peking University
in Beijing .
“Each and
every one of the things China
has done has been in response to what it perceives as a provocation,” Dong
said, citing Japan ’s decision
to buy some of the islands disputed with China last year. “China is not
making provocations on its own initiative.”
Japanese
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe said in October he wouldn’t allow China to alter
the situation around disputed islands by force. He approved a plan to shoot
down any drones that enter Japan ’s
airspace, while a Chinese defense ministry spokesman responded that the
shooting down of a drone would prompt retaliation.
“Things
move much faster in the air than they do on the water and it looks like the
kind of cat-and-mouse games really are transferring from the water now,” said
Benjamin Charlton, Asia-Pacific analyst at Oxford Analytica, a strategic
consulting firm based in Oxford, England. “That inherently raises the risk of
miscalculation.”
Taken Steps
While China has taken steps to expand its air and
naval footprint, the U.S.
has sent more surveillance aircraft to Japan
and is stationing anti-missile interceptors on Guam
as part of the rebalancing strategy that President Barack Obama detailed in
2011. The U.S. is also
shifting 2,500 Marines to the Australian city of Darwin
from Okinawa , Japan .
Biden made
it clear on a trip to China
last week that the U.S.
won’t reverse its rebalancing policy. “We are and will remain a Pacific power diplomatically,
economically, and militarily,” he said in a Dec. 5 speech in Beijing .
For its
part, China hasn’t neglected
the diplomatic front in its battle to curtail U.S. influence. With Obama
distracted by tensions in the Middle East and domestic politics, China has sought to fill the vacuum and boost
ties with its South East Asian neighbors, some of whom have conflicts with it
over islands in the South China Sea .
Canceled
Trip
A day after
Obama announced in October he had canceled an Asian tour due to the government
shutdown at home, China
signed agreements to boost economic cooperation and defense ties with Malaysia . And
while Obama sent Secretary of State John Kerry to the region in his stead, Xi
went to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Bali ,
where he described the region as “a big family.”
“We will
have to see what the U.S.
will do to shore up the idea that they are in Asia to stay,” said Roderick
MacFarquhar, professor emeritus of Chinese politics at Harvard
University in Cambridge , Massachusetts .
“That they’re not going to quit the stage and leave it to China , and that
they’re not going to desert their friends and allies.”
To contact
Bloomberg News staff for this story: Henry Sanderson in Beijing
at hsanderson@bloomberg.net; Indira A.R. Lakshmanan in Washington at ilakshmanan@bloomberg.net
To contact
the editor responsible for this story: Rosalind Mathieson at
rmathieson3@bloomberg.net
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