By JACK
KEANE And DANIELLE PLETKA
Aug. 24,
2014 6:27 p.m. ET
The Wall
Street Journal
Two months
ago we laid out a plan on these pages to bring Iraq
back from the abyss of terrorist domination, turn the tide in the Syria
conflict, and crush the advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham. The
need for such a plan is now more urgent as ISIS has since advanced
dramatically, the Iraqi army and Kurdish militia initially performed poorly,
and the terror group has threatened to kill more Americans as it did James
Foley last week.
President
Obama has so far ordered some 1,100 troops into Iraq and conducted close to 100
airstrikes. While it is important that the president has recognized the growing
threat to U.S. security,
these limited tactical measures will neither permanently reverse ISIS gains nor
address the maelstrom in the Middle East . A
combined political, economic and military strategy is needed, and one element
without the others will likely doom the effort.
First, the
political challenge: The Islamic State, like its predecessor al Qaeda in Iraq and al Qaeda itself, has its roots in the swamp of Arab political life. Extremists gain
purchase because the region's leaders have delivered so little to the hundreds
of millions over whom they rule. The Obama administration appeared to recognize
this problem when it demanded the ouster of former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
al-Maliki, who had estranged the nation's Sunni tribes, leading some to welcome
ISIS from Syria .
Regional
leaders are aware of these problems and exploit them through proxy wars in Iraq , Syria ,
Lebanon , Libya and the
Palestinian territories. This is a recipe for endless conflict, and those
leaders should be forced into a dialogue to resolve grievances and develop a
regional strategy to defeat ISIS, al Qaeda and their ideological brethren.
Only the United States
has the clout to convene such a summit. Only the U.S.
can demand real change, and only the U.S can offer security reassurances to
turn the political tide in the Middle East .
In
particular, the time has come to confront the government of Qatar , which funds and arms ISIS
and other Islamist terrorist groups such as Hamas. The tiny Gulf potentate has
never had to choose between membership in the civilized world or continuing its
sponsorship of regional killers. The U.S. has the most leverage. We have
alternatives to our Combined Air and Operations
Center in Doha , the al Udeid air base, other bases and
prepositioned materiel. We should tell Qatar to end its support for
terrorism or we leave.
Second, the
economic challenge: ISIS may now be the
richest terror group in the world. Through hostage taking, criminality,
conquest and outside financial support, ISIS
is building a war chest measuring in the hundreds of millions of dollars. It
has portfolio managers, bankers and other accouterments of a proto-Treasury.
These facilitators
have not come under pressure in the way the West has challenged al Qaeda and Iran 's bankers.
The intelligence is available to exert this pressure, but the U.S. , Europe
and the rest of the world are moving at a glacial pace.
Third, the
military component: ISIS is at war and wants
to control as much territory as possible. Jordan ,
Kuwait and Lebanon are in
the group's sights. The Islamic State wants to control oil fields, financial
and political centers and create a quasi-state with self-proclaimed emir Abu
Bakr al-Baghdadi in charge.
President
Obama has "limited" action to protect American personnel and selected
refugees, but even his tactical air strikes to help reclaim the Mosul Dam and
the slow ramp-up of advisers are inadequate to meet the threat. A military
campaign is needed to defeat ISIS , not merely
stop or contain it.
Contrary to
some claims, this is not a plan for a new American ground war in Iraq seeking to
reconstitute a failed state. It is a mission to help Iraqis and Syrians on the ground
help themselves. A U.S.-led international coalition can provide the military
capability, including air interdiction to deny ISIS freedom of movement, take
away its initiative to attack at will in Iraq ,
and dramatically reduce its sanctuary in Syria .
Political
and military leaders must recognize that Iraq
and Syria
are indivisible in this conflict. The group must be defeated in both places.
Chairman of
the Joint Chiefs Martin Dempsey has said ISIS cannot be defeated "without
addressing that part of the organization that resides in Syria ."
Like the Kurdish Peshmerga in Iraq ,
the Free Syrian Army needs heavy weapons, ammunition and supplies. And Washington is also
blocking the delivery of much-needed weapons and equipment already purchased by
the Iraqi military. Arming allies to fight a common enemy cannot be an
afterthought.
Baghdadi
and his senior leaders aren't invulnerable, and U.S.
special operations forces should be given the mission to target, kill and
capture ISIS leaders. We targeted senior
terrorist leaders once in Iraq
and still do in Afghanistan
and elsewhere. ISIS should be no different,
particularly after its brutal murder of Foley.
None of
these steps are sufficient by themselves to defeat a capable, motivated and
well-armed terrorist group. Much will depend on the effectiveness of the
combined ground force backed by consistent air power. But failure means the
destabilization of the Middle East , terrible
bloodshed and, ultimately, the murder of more Americans. A comprehensive
strategy is the only realistic choice to defeat ISIS ,
and the time is long past to get serious.
Gen. Keane,
a retired four-star general and former vice chief of staff of the U.S. Army, is
the chairman of the Institute for the Study of War. Ms. Pletka is the senior
vice president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American
Enterprise Institute.
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