By the
Editors Nov 2, 2012 12:30 AM GMT+0200
The prime
minister of Greece took a large political risk Oct. 31 to keep Greece in the
euro, just as other euro area leaders appear to be recognizing that the country
needs more time and more relief from its debt obligations to survive.
That’s
progress. Lowered interest rates for Greece and help with a debt buyback
are among the ideas under discussion. Any move by Germany
to work with Greece
is welcome, even if things are only where they should have been two years ago.
The coming
week’s flurry of deal-making may secure the release of Greece ’s next
31.5 billion euro ($40.8 billion) aid tranche. Yet a possible debt buyback for Greece would
not reverse the country’s downward economic and political spiral. Nor will the
further 13.5 billion euros of budget cuts and tax increases that Prime Minister
Antonis Samaras accepted publicly yesterday, at the risk of collapsing his
coalition government.
Why the
pessimism? Because more than 9 billion euros of cuts and other measures will
take effect next year, meaning that further recession is pretty much
guaranteed. Five years into a contraction that has so far wiped out almost a
fifth of the Greek economy, ordinary Greeks and bond markets alike still need
to be shown a believable route to solvency and growth.
Losing
Buybacks
The new
budget that Samaras presented to his parliament on Oct. 31 projects that Greece ’s
government debt will rise to almost double the size of the economy in 2013, or
189.1 percent of gross domestic product. As we’ve shown before, the kinds of
budget surpluses needed to bring that level of debt under control are not
historically plausible for Greece .
The debt
buyback idea is appealing, not least because it allows Germany to agree to a debt reduction measure for
Greece
without having to cross its own red lines of forgiving debt that the country
owes to the German government or the European Central Bank. Under a buyback,
the European Stability Mechanism, the euro area’s permanent bailout fund,
probably would loan Greece
money to buy its bonds from investors at the current, discounted market rates.
Greek 10-year bonds, for example, traded yesterday at about 32 cents on the
dollar, so in theory Greece
could retire three dollars of loans for every dollar it borrows.
Here’s the
problem, though: debt buybacks have perverse effects. As Stanford University
economics professor Jeremy Bulow showed in a joint paper with Harvard’s Kenneth
Rogoff during the Latin American crisis of the 1980s, buybacks tend to drive up the price of remaining bonds, leaving the
market value of a government’s debt little changed. For Greece , Bulow
tells us, “This is a case of proposing to spend money for the purposes of
facilitating accounting make-believe.”
In
addition, a buyback could only address a part of the roughly 40 percent of Greece ’s 340
billion euros of debt that is privately held. According to researchers at Greece ’s Eurobank, a 30 billion euro buyback
that works efficiently would knock about 12 percentage points off Greece ’s debt
pile by 2020, leaving it still well above the IMF’s 120 percent of GDP target.
What’s
needed now is a writedown of Greek government debt owed to official creditors,
as the International Monetary Fund’s Christine Lagarde recently suggested.
Official lenders hold about 60 percent of Greek government debt.
Failed
Commitments
We see the
outlines of a possible deal here, albeit one that would require extraordinary
political courage as well as legal changes in Germany ,
Athens and at
the European Central Bank. Germany and other official lenders would need to
accept a writedown of their debt, and at the least commit to directly recapitalize Greek banks when that becomes
possible, a step that would remove up to 50 billion euros from the government’s
liabilities.
The other
side of the Greek impasse is the repeated failure of governments in Athens to carry through
on the commitments to which they signed up in two previous bailouts.
The top
priority here has been to rebuild the dysfunctional Greek tax collection
system. Results have been disappointing: Since January, the tax service has
been without the independent chief that the government promised to give it. In equally dispiriting news, when a
journalist recently published a two year-old list of 2000 Greek groups with
bank accounts in Switzerland ,
the journalist was prosecuted and is now being put on trial.
Small
wonder, then, that Germany
is worried about giving Greece
more help. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble has proposed that bailout
money and future Greek budget surpluses should go into a trust fund, which
would be kept out of the reach of the Greek government. This seems reasonable. Greece should also agree that in areas such as
tax collection, failure to act will mean handing over more power to the
technicians of the EU’s Task Force for Greece , who already are working
with Greek ministries.
These
aren’t precedents that we like or want to see repeated, but Greece has
shown itself to be a special case. It needs the kind of deep changes that new
EU applicant countries must now go through in order to join. If Greek and euro
area leaders don’t want to take the risk of a currency meltdown that a Greek
default might entail, then they need to be bolder still.
Read more
opinion online from Bloomberg View. Subscribe to receive a daily e-mail highlighting
new View editorials, columns and op-ed articles.
Today’s
highlights: In a signed editorial, Michael R. Bloomberg endorses President
Barack Obama for re-election.
Also,
Stephen Carter on the election night concession speech; Ezra Klein on a unified
field theory of Romney; Jonathan Mahler on Dan Okrent, the founder of
Rotisserie baseball; A. Gary Shilling on five possible global shocks; Amity
Shlaes on how disasters make government bigger; Carl Pope on the Republican
defense of an obsolete economy.
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