By HUGO DIXONSEPT. 16, 2015
The New
York Times
TINOS, Greece — One of the few near-certainties about
Sunday’s general election in Greece
is that it will produce a government committed, at least nominally, to the
bailout agreement struck last month with the country’s creditors. Not only is
former Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras a reluctant convert to the deal, which
could make available 86 billion euros in new loans, the main opposition party,
New Democracy, is prepared to back it, too.
A casual
observer may think the bailout condemns Greece to more years of austerity.
This is part of the story, but not its main aspect. Greece ’s two previous bailouts
sought to cut spending and raise taxes; insofar as they tackled special interests,
they concentrated on limiting the power of organized labor. The thrust of the
latest plan, in contrast, is to combat cheating and sweep away the privileges
enjoyed by a wide swath of groups, including farmers, shipping magnates and
pharmacists. Some of these are natural supporters of the former
conservative-led coalition, which explains why it did not do more to curb their
privileges (and why Mr. Tsipras, a leftist, sees some political mileage in
doing so).
Affected
groups may squawk, but the country will benefit. Prices will fall and consumer
choice will increase as businesses respond to competition. And if the fight
against tax evasion succeeds, honest citizens will no longer have to carry the
burden of those who cheat.
Take
farmers, who enjoy a 13 percent income tax — half the rate at which Greek
businesses, and most Greeks, are taxed. They also receive diesel oil subsidies
and cheaper electricity. No wonder thousands of Greeks who may be only
tangentially employed in the agriculture sector identify themselves as farmers.
With the
new agreement, the government will increase the tax rate to 26 percent, phase
out subsidized diesel and tighten requirements to ensure that benefits go only
to those who genuinely live off the land. The adjustment process will be harsh,
but the result will be fairer.
Prior to
the latest bailout, Greece
capped the shelf life of “fresh” pasteurized milk at seven days, well under the
10-day European Union average. This made importing milk impractical: In 2011,
the price of fresh milk in Greece
was 35 percent above the E.U. average, according to the O.E.C.D. The new
agreement abolishes the rule setting the shelf life of fresh milk. The
resulting shift to cheaper imports may increase competition for Greek farmers,
but should benefit consumers.
Now look at
medicine. Generally, the standard practice for Greek physicians has been to
prescribe expensive patented drugs instead of generics. This, coupled with a
large prescription volume, led Greece
in 2012 to spend 2.3 percent of its G.D.P. on pharmaceuticals, above the E.U.
average of 1.5 percent. The high level of spending is good for pharmacies, but
has drained the public purse. Doctors are now being told to prescribe generic
drugs, and pharmacists must offer patients cheaper alternatives to pricier
brand names. What’s more, nonprescription drugs like aspirin will be sold in
supermarkets.
Educators
are also in the line of fire. According to the O.E.C.D., Greek primary school
teachers in 2012 spent only 569 hours in the classroom, about a quarter below
the E.U. average. The discrepancy was even greater for secondary school
teachers, who spent one-third fewer hours in the classroom compared with their
E.U. counterparts. Now the number of classroom hours per teacher must be increased
by June 2018, to align Greece
with O.E.C.D. best practices.
The list
continues. Shipping is one of Greece ’s
most important industries, accounting for about 7 percent of G.D.P. The
country’s nationals control some 17 percent of the global merchant fleet.
Unsurprisingly, Greece ’s
billionaire magnates enjoy tax exemptions on profits from their operations and
the sale of vessels. Under the new bailout, the tonnage tax on shipping has
been increased, and some tax privileges will be phased out.
Perhaps the
most damaging vested interest is the government itself. For decades, Greek
politicians stuffed the civil service with their cronies, leaving it weak and
politicized. Greece ’s
latest deal with its creditors requires senior public administrators, who have
been working on a temporary basis since the civil service was reorganized in
2014, to reapply for their jobs by the end of next year. Re-employment will be
merit-based, determined according to a system coordinated by the European
Commission.
It is
sometimes hard to distinguish a vested interest from an excessively generous
benefit. One case in point is the pension system, which enabled Greeks to start
drawing benefits before reaching the country’s official retirement ages. As a
result, Greece
in 2012 spent 17.5 percent of its G.D.P. on pensions, compared with a 13.2
percent E.U. average. While previous bailouts pushed through some reforms to
reduce these expenditures, the latest program goes further, raising the
official retirement age to 67 and increasing financial penalties for taking
pensions earlier.
Greeks
haven’t just been creative in dreaming up privileges; they’ve been masterful
tax dodgers. To target this problem, the new agreement more broadly defines tax
evasion. It also eliminates the 30 percent discount on value-added tax in the
Aegean islands, which made it possible for people to buy goods on an island
with a lower sales tax and ferry them to the mainland.
Hugo Dixon
is the author of “The In/Out Question: Why Britain Should Stay in the EU and
Fight to Make It Better.”
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