The Huffington PostBy Danae Leivada
Posted:
09/08/2015 11:33 AM EDT | Edited: 09/08/2015 12:23 PM EDT
The
Background
Former
Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of the left-wing Syriza party handed in his
resignation last month, bringing an end to the coalition government between
Syriza and the Independent Greeks (ANEL) party.
Syriza won
the last elections in January on an anti-austerity agenda, but changed course
during months of hard negotiations with Greece ’s European creditors over a
new bailout deal. The Greek economy came within an inch of default during the
negotiations, with banks closed and capital controls implemented.
Despite a
July referendum that showed the Greek people had no appetite for Europe ’s bailout proposal and the harsh terms it would
impose, Tsipras eventually caved in to the creditors’ demands, paving the way
for a new round of austerity measures in return for direly needed funds.
A significant part of Tsipras’ Syriza party,
however, disagreed with the government’s concessions to its lenders, making
Tsipras’ political position untenable. Fresh elections that will either reject
Tsipras’ leadership or give him a renewed mandate to implement the terms of the
bailout agreement appeared the only way forward.
With the
implementation of the bailout agreement up in the air and the economy in ruins,
Greece ’s
creditors stand on the sidelines awaiting the people's verdict.
The Parties
Tsipras’
Syriza party until recently formed a coalition government with the smaller
right-wing ANEL party. Syriza started out in 2004 as a coalition of left-wing
groups and parties. With its anti-austerity rhetoric and hard-line leftist
program, the coalition grew throughout the crisis years from one with
relatively small popular support into a major political force. Throughout those
years, Syriza also evolved from a coalition to a unitary party, this mainly because
under Greek electoral law the largest polling party receives a “bonus” of 50
parliamentary seats out of 300.
However,
Syriza's fragmented background came to haunt the party recently as a
significant portion of its members disagreed with Tsipras over the harsh terms
of the bailout deal. Twenty-five of Syriza’s members of parliament -- most of
them part of Syriza’s radical left wing -- broke away on Aug. 21 and founded
the new Popular Unity party. At the moment, Syriza seems to be at a crossroads
not only in terms of its future in government, but also regarding its identity
as a party.
Popular
Unity is led by Tsipras' former Energy minister, Panagiotis Lafazanis, who was
one of the hard-line leftists of Syriza. Upon its establishment, the party was
the third largest in Parliament and promised the return to the original
anti-austerity program that Syriza was elected on but did not deliver --
advocating the country's exit from the eurozone and the return to the drachma.
Popular Unity appears to stand a good chance of reaching the 3 percent
threshold and entering into parliament, polls indicate.
New
Democracy and PASOK are Greece ’s
traditional “parties of power.” Combined, they have ruled the country for the
past 40 years.
New
Democracy is Greece ’s
major center-right conservative party. It lost the election to PASOK in 2009
but resurfaced in 2012 as part of a coalition government with PASOK and
centrist-left party DIMAR. New Democracy received 27.8 percent in the January
2015 vote. Having been part of Greece ’s
two previous bailouts, New Democracy is a proponent of reforms and of boosting
the private sector. It is in favor of implementing the recent bailout agreement
and supported Tsipras despite being the major opposition party.
Once the
most popular social democratic party, PASOK has seen its support plummet during
the debt crisis as many blame former PASOK leader George Papandreou for setting
in motion the ongoing cycle of harsh austerity by agreeing to Greece ’s first
bailout agreement. Struggling to keep afloat, PASOK announced it will cooperate
with the DIMAR (Democratic Left) party.
To Potami
(The River), is a centrist party founded in 2014 by television journalist
Stavros Theodorakis with loose social liberal and strong pro-euro views. To
Potami gathered enough momentum to finish fourth in January's elections and it
considers the bailout agreements a necessary step for overcoming the economic
crisis. However, the party has been critical of Syriza's negotiation tactics
with the creditors.
The
Communist Party of Greece (KKE), the historical Marxist-Leninist Greek party,
has maintained its position against austerity and calls for a Greek exit from
the eurozone, arguing that all bailout agreements are imposed violently on the
Greek people and spell disaster for the Greek economy and society. KKE has a
solid electoral base and has been either maintaining roughly the same
percentage or dropping slightly in recent elections.
With its
strong anti-immigration rhetoric and aggressive speech, extremist far-right
party Golden Dawn has been gaining ground in the crisis years. The party’s
support, which spiked to 6.2 percent in the January election, has been mainly
attributed to “protest votes” against the old political establishment. Many of
Golden Dawn's prominent members, including its leader, have been jailed while
awaiting trial on accusations of participating in a criminal organization and
assaulting immigrants and anti-fascists.
The Issues
With Greece being an entry point to Europe
for thousands of migrants and refugees who escape relentless wars or
excruciating poverty, the country is looking for ways to handle the situation
while demanding help from other EU countries. As this huge humanitarian crisis
is happening in parallel to Greece ’s
economic crisis, the next government of Greece will also need to find
viable solutions for effectively alleviating that situation.
The Outcome
When
Tsipras handed in his resignation last month, it appeared the election would be
an easy win for Syriza. Recent opinion polls, however, seem to suggest that
Syriza and New Democracy are neck and neck, with New Democracy even possibly
getting marginally ahead.
The most
likely outcome is that whoever wins will need to form a coalition government to
implement the reform measures agreed on with the creditors. Tsipras has so far
rejected the idea of cooperating with New Democracy or To Potami, which he
considers to be “establishment” parties.
The
uncertainty over the outcome of the vote -- as no party seems to be favored
spectacularly over the others -- could stir things up again and lead Greece to an
unknown future. The questions persist: What will do the trick for the crisis to
be resolved, and if said trick requires yet another shift in power, what will it
look like?
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