By STEVEN ERLANGERNOV. 5, 2015
The New
York Times
Now 61, Mr.
Kaminis was born in New York and lived there
until the age of 5, studied in France ,
taught law at the University
of Athens and was
re-elected last year as the nonpartisan mayor of one of the world’s great
cities.
With Greece stuffed
with migrants as it further cuts spending, Mr. Kaminis is gloomy, to say the
least.
“When I
look at Europe , I don’t have any optimism at
all,” he said. “For a while, everyone will feel good, with the Germans and the
Austrians the good guys, but it will help the far right.”
The same
holds true in Greece ,
too, where he sees a bankruptcy of responsible politics. “We live in a
situation of extreme urgency,” he said. “We’ve become tired, and we’ve become
stuck.”
Greeks no
longer believe, if they ever did, he said, in the functionality of politics.
“We have a
crisis of the government system in the eyes of the people,” he said. Alexis
Tsipras, the prime minister who led the left-wing Syriza party into government
on a vow to reject austerity, won re-election on a pledge to enforce a new
bailout as painlessly as possible.
“Tsipras
would never have been re-elected if we had a credible opposition,” Mr. Kaminis
said. “A vote for him was a vote against the old political establishment, and
people decided to give him a second chance.”
But
governing “will devour Tsipras, too,” he said. “And I’m not happy about that,
because after Tsipras, what’s the alternative? It’s Golden Dawn.”
Luckily for
Mr. Tsipras, perhaps, the leadership of Golden Dawn, a far-right party with
neo-Nazi elements, is being tried on charges of running a criminal
organization, and many of its legislators are facing other criminal cases. So
he has some quiet as he reluctantly labors at austerity, rather like Sisyphus
pushing his rock uphill.
But the
real problem for Greece ,
Mr. Kaminis said, is not economic or political. “It’s cultural,” he said. “It’s
our mind-set.”
A long
period of occupation under the Ottoman Empire
gave the Greeks, like the Serbs, a fundamental mistrust of the state and a
pride in stubborn resistance, even if it is self-defeating.
The Ottoman
word “inad” or “inat,” from the Arabic, meant something like resilience, but in
Serbian, the term came to signal a spiteful, sometimes suicidal obstinacy in
the face of power — in the best case, to defend the homeland’s religion and
culture from occupation.
The Greeks
have inherited the same mind-set, Mr. Kaminis said. If the dark forces from
outside were first the Turks, then the Nazis, then the Americans for backing
Greece’s military dictatorship, now it is the Germans, who stand simultaneously
for Brussels and the Nazis in many Greek minds. Syriza, with its roots in the
far left, views itself as an outsider, Greece as alone and the broader
world as suspicious and dangerous.
But the
Greek mistrust of power goes deeper, he insisted. “It’s resistance, not just
against foreigners, whether the Americans or now the Germans — it’s against the
authorities, the government and the police.” The state is something to avoid or
manipulate, not protect, and the police are considered “the enemy.”
“I have a
big problem with people vandalizing public spaces and don’t have the budget for
regular police patrols at night,” he said. “So I got some cameras, but many
Greeks will say that the cameras are spying by the state.”
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