11 JUL 20,
2015 3:13 PM EDT
By Leonid
Bershidsky
Bloomberg
The
assertion comes from a June 26 International Monetary Fund document that Greece 's former
finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, called a "fascinating read." In
his bombastic style, he went on to assert: "Never before has a veritable
institution advocated policies that clashed so mercilessly with its own
research. Never before has the IMF agreed, on economic analysis, with a government
it sought to devastate."
But the IMF
research paper didn't agree with the economic analysis of Prime Minister Alexis
Tsipras's government. What it said was that the actions of this government, and
the previous one, drove the 2012 bailout program off track and increased Greece 's
financing needs.
"If
the program had been implemented as assumed, no further debt relief would have
been needed under the agreed November 2012 framework," the IMF document
read. In fact, it claimed Greece
would have achieved better-than-projected debt-to-gross-domestic-product ratios
by 2020 and 2022. "However, very significant changes in policies and in
the outlook since early this year have resulted in a substantial increase in
financing needs," the IMF went on. Greece wasn't collecting enough
taxes, privatization stalled and growth lagged.
Varoufakis
and Tsipras shouldn't try to co-opt IMF analysts as allies, even if they end up
calling for debt relief. The IMF is operating by a different logic, though it
also is easy to question.
As Julian
Schumacher and Beatrice Weder di Mauro of the University of Mainz
pointed out, the templates the IMF uses for its debt sustainability analyses
are available to the public and can be tested. There are two frameworks: one
for relatively rich countries with market access, the other for poor ones that
cannot borrow on the financial markets. For Greece , the IMF used the
rich-country one, which focuses on nominal debt levels. From that point of
view, Greece
looks horrible: Its debt, the IMF says, will peak at about 200 percent of GDP
in the next two years if its financing needs are met.
The problem
with that approach is that the rich-country model no longer is relevant to Greece . Sure,
its per capita GDP remains high -- almost $26,000 in 2014, taking into account
purchasing power parity, making it 44th in the world -- and the poor-country
framework is only applied to really low-income nations with per capita GDP
below $1,200. It could be argued, however, that Greece , with 25.5 percent unemployment
(and more than 60 percent of young people out of work) and with capital
controls that allow a bank depositor to withdraw only $420 a week, may no
longer qualify as a first-world country because it has neither the economic
wherewithal, nor the market access. Greece may not recover these for
years.
Also, it
shares an important feature with the countries to which the IMF applies the
low-income framework: most of its debt -- 79 percent -- is held by
public-sector lenders. Most of the rest is in long-term bonds that banks and
funds received during the 2012 debt restructuring.
Schumacher
and di Mauro point out that because of that profile, the low-income country
framework, centered on the present value of debt, may provide a more accurate
picture. Using the IMF and World Bank's 5 percent discount rate, they
calculated that the net present value of Greek debt is 93 percent of GDP, 281
percent of exports and 213 percent of government revenue.
The first
two numbers are terrible. World Bank calculations (for gross national income, a
measure close to the GDP, and for exports) show similar ratios for countries
such as Jamaica and Liberia , and
that also includes private debt. Such data send strong distress signals: This
is a country that needs debt relief.
However,
even at 213 percent, the present value of Greek debt relative to budget revenue
is below the IMF's danger threshold.
What that
means is that, by IMF standards, Greece 's debt is not really an
unbearable burden on the country's government, which is supposed to be repaying
it, even though it looks too big for the underlying economy.
But Greece , of course, isn't an economic outsider
like Liberia ,
and developing-world standards shouldn't apply. It is an emerging special case
that, according to Schumacher and di Mauro, needs a different debt
sustainability model, preferably one that all the creditors and the government
could accept.
For the
moment, no one, not even the IMF, has any idea of whether Greece 's debt
is sustainable. That may explain why the German Finance Ministry rejected the
IMF analysts' suggestion of extending maturities by "say, 30 years on the
entire stock of the European debt" -- a strangely imprecise phrasing for
the institution. It also may be why German Chancellor Angela Merkel hasn't
explicitly responded to the possibility of debt restructuring as a reward for
compliance with policy guidelines imposed by the creditors. What is clear is
that Greece
has a liquidity problem and that its economy needs to start growing again. With
luck, that's being fixed. In the meantime, economists at the IMF, the European
bailout fund and the European Central Bank should take another look at
sustainability frameworks, agree on one they like and suggest a solution.
There's still time.
This column
does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP
and its owners.
To contact
the author on this story:
Leonid
Bershidsky at lbershidsky@bloomberg.net
To contact
the editor on this story:
Max Berley
at mberley@bloomberg.net
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