By Henry To
Forbes
Both
European politicians and investors must be experiencing a sense of déjà vu with
the current Greek government and its fruitless attempts to extract more lenient
terms for its 240 billion euro bailout package orchestrated by the troika of
the European Commission, the European Central Bank (ECB) and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF ).
Back on
October 4, 2009, George Papandreou’s center-left Panhellenic Socialist Movement
party was elected with an overwhelming mandate by the Greek populace on a
platform of anti-austerity measures and economic revitalization. Papandreou,
whose father was elected prime minister three times, also promised an
anti-corruption campaign and pledged an immediate 3 billion euro stimulus package
to help the ailing Greek economy. Six months later, with Greek finances in dire
straits, Papandreou was forced to request Greece ’s first of two bailouts from
the troika. In return for 110 billion euros in loans, the Greek government
retracted its election promises and embarked on a series of austerity measures,
structural reforms, and privatization of government assets.
Just over a
year later, in November 2011, Papandreou was forced to resign as the general
populace lost confidence in the Greek government amid a double-digit shrinkage
of the Greek economy, a 20% unemployment rate, and a 25% jump in homelessness
from 2009 to 2011. By early 2012, the newly-elected Greek government, led by
Antonis Samaras of the New Democracy party, was forced to request an additional
130 billion euro bailout in an effort to save the country from imminent
bankruptcy.
Three years
after Greece ’s
second bailout, we are back to the same story. Again, the Greek populace
elected a new government on a platform of avoiding hard choices and not
surprisingly, in another repeat of history, the newly-elected prime minister,
Alexis Tsipras, is backtracking on the vast majority of his campaign promises.
In many ways, the Greek economy, unlike those of other euro zone member states,
is worse off than ever. For example, the Greek unemployment rate recently
ticked higher (from 25.9% to 26.0%) after having declined most of last year.
Meanwhile, the Greek government still does not have access to the financial
markets. Greek borrowing costs remains elevated, while Greek equities have had
no bids, despite the ECB’s imminent implementation of its one trillion euro
quantitative easing policy on Monday.
It is
obvious that far from uniting Western Europe ,
the euro project is driving the 19 members of the euro zone further apart. A
recent poll suggests that the majority of Germans wants Greece to exit
the euro unless the country abides by its bailout terms, including austerity
measures. Meanwhile, Bild , Germany ’s biggest-selling
mass-market paper (with a 2.5 million daily circulation), continues to whip its
readers into a state of anti-Greek bailout frenzy. Through its inflammatory
articles, Bild welds significant political power and any German politician who
sign up for an unconditional Greek bailout will thus be quickly run out of
office.
The
political uncertainty is severely damaging the Greek economy. After growing by
0.7% in the third quarter of 2014, Greek economic output fell by 0.2% in the
fourth quarter. Since the beginning of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in late
2009, Greece
has lost about one-third of its private deposit base, or about 70 billion
euros. Greece ’s
private deposit base is now estimated to be 147 billion to 148 billion euros,
down from 220 billion euros in late 2009. Investors have exited or are putting
projects on hold until a lasting deal is sealed with the Troika (ironically,
the Greek government itself is discouraging foreign investments by blocking
Eldorado Gold’s construction of a processing plant). To make matters worse, the
newly-elected Syriza government is being widely ridiculed for a proposed reform
to hire ‘students, housekeepers and even tourists” to clamp down on widespread
tax evasion. Such a reform, if implemented, will breed a new layer of distrust
and reduce economic activity still further.
History
suggests that economic and currency unions could only work if: 1) wealthier
states directly subsidize poorer states with no strings attached, and 2) there
is constant and free movement of labor across states so workers and their
families could relocate to more prosperous areas and balance out economic
growth. For example, U.S.
states such as New Mexico and West Virginia have
consistently received more funds from the federal government than they
collected in taxes. These ‘state subsidies’ were supported by funds from New York and Delaware .
In recent years, immigrants from other parts of the U.S.
flocked to states such as Texas and North Dakota as the U.S. shale oil industry boomed.
Neither option exists within the Euro Zone or are available to Greek citizens.
Without
direct, unconditional cash subsidies, the chance of a long-term Greek
solution—one that allows Greece
to stay in the euro—is very slim. A recent McKinsey study gave Greece a
dubious #7 ranking among the world’s most indebted countries. At 317% of GDP,
the Greek debt load (including private and government debt) simply cannot be
reduced through austerity measures, especially given today’s environment of
weak global economic growth. Unless Greece ’s substantial debt levels
are restructured, we will likely see this movie again in a few years. In that
case, Greece
may do better by exiting the euro zone rather than staying in.
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