It's
official: The Republican nominee has no new ideas for the Middle
East .
First, full disclosure. I'm not
associated with either the Barack Obama or the Mitt Romney campaign in any way.
Over the years, I've worked for both Republican and Democratic administrations
and voted for candidates from both parties. On foreign and domestic policy,
I've come to believe that the appropriate dividing line for Americans should
not be between Democrat and Republican, left and right, liberal and
conservative, but between dumb and smart. And we ought to be on the smart
side.
That's why
I was stunned to read Mitt Romney's op-ed in Sunday's Wall Street Journal,
which ran under the headline, "A New Course for the Middle
East ." Even by the standards of political silly season and in
the heat of battle weeks before an election -- when exaggeration, obfuscation,
and willful distortion become the orders of the day -- this article sets a new
bar for its vacuity, aimlessness and lack of coherence. There's nothing
"new" in it, and it provides no "course for the Middle East ." If anything, it takes us back to the
kind of muscular nonsense and sloganeering that has wreaked havoc on our
credibility in recent years. Here's why:
1. Obama's Middle East mistakes
Obama's
record in this still angry, broken, and dysfunctional region is far from
perfect. But the latest security failure in Libya reflects badly on a record
that has been pretty competent on such matters. Convinced he could transform
the Middle East partly with his own persona and partly with the goodwill
engendered by the fact that he wasn't George W. Bush, Obama raised expectations
on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and on diplomacy and engagement with Iran , Syria that he could never deliver.
This wasn't about the lack of American leadership. None of these problems were
amenable to rapid transformation from Day One. American power was limited by
the inherently conflicting agendas of regional actors, whose interests were not
our own, and whom we could not control or co-opt. In raising hopes, President
Obama diminished U.S. credibility,
but to criticize him for failing to stop Iran 's nuclear program or for not
delivering an Israeli-Palestinian agreement is ridiculous. Not even a
negotiating team of Moses, Jesus, and Muhammad could have done that.
2. Obama's successes
Obama accomplished
three critically important things in this region for which Romney will not (but
should) give him credit. First, he became a more focused and more disciplined
version of Bush 43 when it came to counterterrorism policy: He killed Osama bin
Laden, pulverized al Qaeda, and has so far prevented another attack on the
continental United States .
Protecting the homeland is the organizing principle of a nation's foreign
policy. If you can't do that, you really don't need a foreign policy. Second,
Obama committed himself to (and is succeeding in) extricating America from
the two longest wars in our history -- wars that were among our most pointless,
given what we sacrificed and what we've gotten in return. Third, he kept us out
of new ones. (See Syria , Iran .) It is
important to think through what your objectives are before you act and, in
particular, how the application of American military power, whether alone or
with others, would achieve those goals or make them worse. So far, in Syria and Iran ,
Obama has made the right call by not pursuing military half measures that might
not work, could make the situation worse or create a slippery slope to greater U.S.
involvement.
3. Israel
Romney has
part of this right. Obama wrestled with Benjamin Netanyahu on the wrong issue
-- settlements -- with no strategy or sense for how to use this tactic to
achieve the ultimate goal: an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. And there's no
doubt that on an emotional level, even though Bibi is hardly an easy guy to get
along with, Barack Obama isn't Bill Clinton or George W. Bush when it comes to
bonding with Israel .
And frankly, this is a serious problem. But to imply that Obama is willfully
dismissing or trivializing Israeli concerns on Iran ,
let alone throwing Israel
under the bus, just doesn't wash. With the exception of Britain , the United
States probably has a closer relationship with Israel than any
other nation. Even so, our interests -- given that there are two of us -- can't
always align perfectly. And we need to deal honestly with one another when they
don't. Should Romney become president, the personal relationship between
Netanyahu and the president would improve. But who's to say that Romney's
instincts to ignore the Palestinian issue or give Israel
greater leeway on striking Iran 's
nuclear sites are the best policies for Israel ? Indeed, the governor is
hardly Israel 's
salvation. Dollars to donuts, I'd bet that within a reasonable period of time,
Netanyahu would also find a way to annoy Romney and vice versa.
4. U.S. leadership
I hope
Romney doesn't believe his own rhetoric and that his op-ed is only campaign
bluster. Because if it's real, we should
be worried. I didn't much care for Obama's high-minded, idealized speeches
early on about transforming the Middle East --
and I don't care much for Romney's fancy words either. We're stuck in a Middle East we can't fix or leave. And that requires a
pretty cruel and unforgiving look at reality, not a bunch of slogans that imply
we can do what we want or get others there to do it for us. The past twenty
years of failed American policy on peacemaking and war making in this region --
under Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and
Barack Obama-- reveal the costs of failure and what it's done for our image
abroad.
This has
nothing to do with being a "declinist" or not believing in American
"exceptionalism." We are
exceptional, but part of that uniqueness lies in understanding that the wisest
policies are those that find the balance between the way the world is and the
way we want it to be. Great powers get themselves into heaps of trouble when
they commit transgressions of omniscience and omnipotence by thinking they know
everything and can do everything, too. Romney's op-ed is chock-full of both --
and that's not being on the smart side.
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