By Luke
Baker
(Reuters) -
In the dark days of Europe's debt crisis in 2012, when it seemed Greece might be forced out of the euro and the
single currency could implode, leaders believed "more Europe "
was the only answer.
Only deeper
integration can bolster the region to withstand future crises, they said. A
more united Europe will punch its weight in
the world, not collapse on the ropes.
Among the
more fervent voices in support was German Chancellor Angela Merkel, whose
declaration that "we need more Europe ; we
need more cooperation" prompted policymakers to draft plans for a banking
union, closer fiscal ties and, in time, a more complete political integration
of the union's 28 countries.
How times
have changed.
A year on,
banking union - the idea of providing a single backstop for all the region's
banks - stumbles ahead but only as a shadow of its original self. Fiscal union
is barely mentioned, while the steps that would have come after are long
forgotten.
Instead of
"more Europe", the more common phrase in Brussels these days might be
"EU-lite". Rather than the relentless logic of "ever closer
union" - the guiding principle of Europe's federalists for 60 years - the
attitude among some member states is better described as "only as much
Europe as we really need".
Perhaps
unsurprisingly, the most determined advocate of "EU-lite" is Britain . Prime
Minister David Cameron, with his promise to voters of a referendum on Britain 's EU membership by 2017, has made it
abundantly clear that Britain
wants a looser association with Brussels
after four decades in the club.
In its
review of "the balance of EU competences" - Britain's phrase for
totting up the pros and cons of membership - the findings so far have suggested
that while Europe may not be as bad as some think, there are areas where EU
legislation is too burdensome or the influence of Brussels is too stifling.
Instead, Britain 's
vision for the EU - which Cameron wants to remain part of - is a union focused
on its strengths as a trading bloc, the world's largest, and as a single market
of 500 million developed-world consumers.
Rather than
Brussels determining how many hours someone
should work a week or how baby formula should be labeled, Britain wants
it to act on a higher level, dealing with international trade, investment,
commerce and security policy.
"LEANER
AND MEANER"
When Britain first
raised the possibility of a renegotiation of its ties earlier this year, it was
a lonely voice. Opponents, including France and the European Commission, said
nobody should be allowed to "pick and choose" the terms of their
membership.
But the Netherlands , one of the six founder members of
the EU, has conducted its own review of its relationship with Brussels and also sees room for improvement.
A commerce-minded trading nation like Britain , it also wants EU policy to
sweat less of the small stuff and focus on the bigger picture.
"The
time for an 'ever closer union' in every possible policy areas is behind
us," Foreign Minister Frans Timmermans wrote in a letter to the Dutch
parliament in June. His prime minister, Mark Rutte, was even more succinct,
saying Europe needed to become "smaller,
leaner and meaner".
No less a
European stateswoman than Merkel invited Cameron for private talks in April and
said afterwards she agreed with many of his ideas for reforming the union.
In a radio
interview last month, she said that if she was re-elected as chancellor
following elections on September 22, she would look at whether some powers
should be repatriated from the European Commission to member states.
"We
don't have to do everything in Brussels ...
We can also consider whether we can give something back," she said, a line
the EU-skeptic British press took as support for Cameron.
"EVERYTHING
COLLAPSES"
All that
has raised expectations that at some point soon, probably in 2015, there could
be an agreement among member states to revise the EU's governing treaty, with
everyone getting a chance to negotiate a new deal with Brussels .
That would
be no small matter. If it does take place, it would also come shortly after
elections to the European Parliament, set for next May, when there is likely to
be a rise in the anti-EU vote across the continent, reflecting growing disquiet
about the direction Europe is going in.
The
problem, of course, is that one country's vision for a better, less burdensome
EU is not everyone else's. Britain 's
taste for "EU-lite" is not France 's cup of tea. Far from it.
"It's
like playing Jenga," said Hugo Brady, a senior research fellow at the
Centre for European Reform, referring to a game that involves carefully
removing wooden blocks from a tower and stacking them on top. "Eventually
someone pulls out the wrong block and the whole thing collapses."
While Brady
agrees the federalist dream of a "country called Europe "
may have vanished, the European project remains alive and its momentum is still
towards deeper integration. Membership of the euro, the biggest symbol of unity,
is growing.
The factor
that will determine whether "more Europe "
or "EU-lite" wins the day will be the economic crisis, says Brady.
For the
moment, the financial and economic chaos that has stalked the EU for the past
three years is in abeyance, removing much of the immediate pressure for closer
union.
But if the
debt crisis returns - and very serious problems remain in Greece , Cyprus ,
Spain and Portugal that could blow up at any time - the
"more Europe" and "closer union" mantra will quickly
resound again, whether Britain
likes it or not.
(Writing by
Luke Baker; Editing by Toby Chopra)
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