The
crackdown on the far-right party will undoubtedly release new tensions on to an
already poisoned political scene
Helena
Smith in Athens
The
Observer, Saturday 28 September 2013 17.56 BST
Before his
untimely death at the age of 34, Pavlos Fyssas was a hip-hop rapper popular on Greece 's
anti-fascist scene but little known beyond the frontiers of that music genre or
the borders of the country itself. On the night of 17 September all that
changed.
After
becoming embroiled in a row over a soccer game being shown at a cafe in a
working-class Athenian suburb, Fyssas and his friends were set upon by thugs
dressed in the combat pants and black T-shirts worn by supporters of the
country's far-right Golden Dawn party.
Cornered by
the mob, the bearded singer was soon lying in a pool of his own blood, with
stab wounds to the heart and chest. Within minutes he had died. And within
hours the killer, a self-professed member of Golden Dawn, had been arrested.
Murkiness
may still surround the circumstances of the murder, but what Fyssas's death
revealed, in sharp relief, was the depth of division within Greece . In an
atmosphere made toxic by record levels of poverty, unemployment, desperation
and despair, Greeks were soon describing the killing as a "political
assassination" – the latest act in a string of attacks by a party
bolstered by its seemingly runaway popularity in the polls.
Overnight,
Fyssas had become a martyr – with the far-rightists deemed to have crossed a
red line, despite Golden Dawn's vehement protestations that it had no
connection with the crime. Thousands took to the streets.
"Until
then we had managed to be civilised about the differences between the left and
the right that have run through our country since the [1946-49] civil
war," said the political commentator Giorgos Kyrtsos. "With Fyssas's
assassination, that line was crossed."
After
months of tolerating a group that had brutalised society – spawning a climate
of fear among immigrants, attacking gays, holding "Greek only" food
handouts and coarsening political exchange with rants about "subhuman
foreigners" in the Athens
parliament – Antonis Samaras's fragile coalition finally took action.
And, when
it did, it acted with an alacrity and determination that few might have
envisaged. In the space of 10 days, Golden Dawn branches across the nation were
raided and searched, members were arrested, weapons confiscated and sympathetic
police officers removed from posts. In the early hours of Saturday came the
next step: the arrest of five of the organisation's senior members, including
its rabble-rousing leader, Nikos Michaloliakos, and 14 prominent cadres.
All 19 were
due to appear late on Saturday before a public magistrate on charges of forming
a criminal gang.
Not since
the return of democracy after the collapse of military rule in 1974 has a party
been so publicly hounded. The arrests will undoubtedly unleash new tensions on
to a political scene already poisoned by profound disillusionment with an
establishment widely blamed for the financial mess that has lead to the
nation's economic and social meltdown.
Adding to
the crippling sense of uncertainty hanging over Greeks, Michaloliakos himself
pledged that the campaign against his party would "open the gates of
hell" before his arrest at his home early on Saturday. As Golden Dawn
supporters gathered outside the gargantuan central police headquarters in Athens – blue and white
Greek flags in hand underscoring their ultranationalist views – it remained
unclear how the extremist organisation would react.
In recent
months Europe had looked on horrified as the
group, whose emblem resembles the swastika and whose politicians have openly
applauded the policies of Adolf Hitler, has gone from strength to strength. Three
years ago the far-rightists won only 0.72% of the vote. In elections last year
that support increased tenfold with the party winning just under 7% of the vote
and 18 deputies in the 300-seat parliament on the back of deep disgruntlement
over sweeping austerity measures.
The
government, which had come under increasing pressure to clamp down on an
organisation now viewed as the continent's most violent political force, has
won plaudits for the decisiveness with which it has ultimately cracked down on
the group. Polls have shown a sudden drop in support for Golden Dawn, with
conservatives who had migrated to the far right in disgust with Samaras's own
centre-right New Democracy party returning to the fold.
But the
far-rightists have also managed to retain their core support with successive
polls this week showing that the party still remained Greece 's third
biggest political force. If need be, Michaloliakos and his cadres have vowed to
fight their corner from inside prison cells.
Many have
voiced concerns that the crackdown could backfire. The government is wading
into uncharted waters, constitutionally, with experts emphasising the
impossibility of outlawing a party catapulted into parliament by democratic
means.
Even if its
MPs are found to be guilty they will still retain their political identity. Greeks
are still haunted by the memory of the KKE communist party being outlawed for
almost 30 years after the civil war.
"It
may have been more correct constitutionally to have sought parliament's
approval to lift their political immunity first," said the constitutional
law professor Kostas Chrysogonos.
In a rare
display of consensus on both the left and right, politicians have attributed
Golden Dawn's meteoric rise to the relentless, internationally mandated
cutbacks Greeks have been subjected to since their debt-stricken country
descended into crisis in late 2009. Far from having ideological appeal in a
country that suffered one of the most brutal occupations between 1941-44 under
Nazi rule, the far-rightists have managed to capitalise on the deep sense of
injustice and fury that has increasingly radicalised society.
"Golden
Dawn's respirator is the memorandum," said Takis Pavlopoulos, a senior
policymaker in the radical-left main opposition Syriza party, referring to the
loan accord Athens has signed up to with its "troika" of creditors at
the EU, ECB and IMF. "Its base is not ideological but one of desperate
people. Once you abolish the memorandum, the party will wither away."
Without Greece being cut some slack by its foreign
lenders – not least Germany
which has paid the lion's share of its €240bn in rescue loans since 2010 but
has made austerity the price – many fear the party will resurface under another
name if it is ultimately banned.
Hopes
abound that by exposing the inner workings of a group that has operated as a
paramilitary force but until now has been shrouded in mystery, Greeks will
gradually turn their backs on Golden Dawn.
"We
are not saying to all those people who voted for them that they are Nazis or
fascists," said Notis Marias, a senior figure in the rightwing opposition
Independent Greeks party. "What we are saying is that they made a mistake
and this is the time to correct it."
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