By
FRANCESCO GIAVAZZI and ANIL K. KASHYAPFEB. 17, 2014
The New
York Times
In
preparation for the handoff, the E.C.B. will conduct a “stress test” to gauge
how the banks would fare if economic conditions deteriorated. But the central
bank’s point person for these efforts, Danièle Nouy, appears to have
misdiagnosed the problem, suggesting that “insufficient transparency regarding
the balance sheets of the European banks” is the critical problem.
Many of the
large banks own huge amounts of government bonds that were issued by countries
whose ability to fully repay their debts is in doubt. If the countries default,
the banks will go broke. This risk is paralyzing the banks, which consequently
shy away from lending. Without lending, Europe ’s
economies are not growing, which reduces tax revenues and makes a default on
the bonds all the more likely.
To avoid
such a vicious cycle, the E.C.B. should keep in mind three lessons from Japan and the United States about how to properly
use stress tests to stabilize its banks.
The first
is that the main reason to care about the banks is that the credit they extend
is essential for growth. The point of a stress test is to make sure that banks
are strong enough to lend and, if they are not, to fix the problem.
The second
is that weak banks have powerful incentives to roll over bad loans (or hold on
to impaired assets) to avoid taking losses. Acknowledging losses would reduce
the value of shareholder equity and would expose management to criticism. The
alternative is to raise more capital and hold management accountable. Absent
fresh capital, attempts to protect taxpayers from having to bail out the banks
mean that the banks will not extend more credit — because the new loans might
go bad, too.
The third
is that stress tests need to come with a plan to restore lending. Japan had a
banking crisis in the late 1990s that it finally tackled in 2003. American
banks were nearly broke after the 2008 crisis. In both cases, regulators used
cleverly designed stress tests: They calculated potential losses by the banks
and, once the results were announced, the banks had to make adjustments. In Japan , many
large banks were deemed undercapitalized: Management was replaced (and
managers’ pay was restricted) and the banks had to raise new capital (and while
doing so they could not pay dividends).
In the United States ,
the government offered money from the Troubled Asset Relief Program as a
backstop after the Federal Reserve stress tests concluded that its 19 largest
banks were at risk of losing more than $600 billion and that they needed about
$75 billion in capital to survive in the worst-case scenario. The banks were
given six months to plug their deficits and told if they did not do it on their
own, the government would use the TARP money to invest in the banks on terms
that would be attractive to the government but unattractive to existing shareholders.
The result: The American banks raised more than $50 billion in new equity in
one month, and another $120 billion over the next 18 months. The backstop was
not needed.
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Poor
decisions by regulators enabled these failures. One was to allow the banks to
determine their health by comparing their capital to their assets — rather than
the amount needed to support the credit needs of the economy. Given the choice
of raising new capital or reducing their size so that their capital base was
commensurate with a smaller level of perceived risk, the banks’ shareholders
and executives chose the latter, easier option. This meant less lending, and
economic stagnation.
A second
failure involved the government bonds held by European banks. The previous
stress tests hid behind an accounting gimmick, pretending that if banks
promised to hold on to the bonds, the bonds would be immune to losses. Of
course, if there is a default, the losses will have to be recognized. And if
default appears imminent, depositors and others who fund the banks will fear
losses are coming and stop funding them. Unless the banks have an adequate
equity cushion to protect them from this possibility, they will again be unable
to lend.
Until now,
peculiar rules have also given shareholders too much power to prevent European
banks from raising new equity. For example, Italian charities have lobbied to
prevent or delay plans for banks to raise new capital, with surprising
compliance from regulators at the Bank of Italy. The byzantine governance
structure of Crédit Agricole in France
puts potential equity investors at a disadvantage, relative to the regional
cooperative that controls the bank. Mr. Acharya and Mr. Steffen estimate that
banks in France
are the most undercapitalized of all banks in the euro zone.
With the
new stress tests, the European Central Bank has a chance to change course. But
to do that it needs to break with past practices and do what other countries
have shown it takes to make sure that banks are no longer an obstacle to
growth.
Francesco
Giavazzi, a professor of economics at Bocconi
University in Milan , is a visiting professor at M.I.T. this
spring. Anil K. Kashyap is a professor of economics and finance at the
University of Chicago Booth School of Business.
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