Raoul
Ruparel Contributor
Forbes
Greek Prime
Minister Alexis Tsipras heads to Moscow tomorrow
amongst significant noise around a potential Greek pivot towards Russia and China . But how realistic a
proposition is this? The short answer is, not very. Most of the noise is
precisely that, just noise. But it is worth exploring in more detail just why
this is the case and what it means for the current negotiations around Greece ’s
position in the Eurozone and EU-Russia relations.
The usual
narrative goes that, Greece
is considering turning to Russia
for financial support if it cannot reach a deal with the EU/IMF/ECB. However,
in reality, this is not really an option on the table. The simple reason is
that, with economic sanctions and a low oil price, Russia
has its own economic problems and cannot afford to aid a country the size of Greece to the
level that it requires.
While Greece is only
2% of the Eurozone economy, it is equivalent of 12% of the Russian economy. It
is likely that it will need €30bn to €50bn over the next few years, with much
of this funding front loaded. Given that the EU/IMF/ECB own €246bn in Greek
debt, a large amount of any funding given to Greece would flow to these Western
Institutions. It would be a strange turn of events for Russia to
actively funnel huge amounts of funding to the EU while the EU has sanctions
against it. This amount could easily escalate if the EU cut off support or if
the banking sector required further assistance (not impossible).
Furthermore,
as explained by PIIE in detail here, while Russia superficially seems to have
significant reserves the figures include money already allocated for two
sovereign wealth funds. As such, the actual usable reserves may be much lower
than the headline amount. On top of this, while the state may be able to swing
using these funds for domestic needs, currency protection or to counter
sanctions it is hard to imagine them being put to use abroad and particularly
in an EU state.
It is also
worth looking at the level of investments Russia has made in other cases.
While Russia did provide Cyprus (a
country which it has very close ties both politically and financially) with a
€2.5bn loan in 2011, it refused to provide greater support when the country
really needed it in 2013. In the run up to the crisis in Ukraine – a clearly important strategic partner
for Russia – it did provide
some money and support the government but the amount pales in comparison to the
hundreds of billions which have been poured into Greece .
In the end,
Russia
is likely to see its huge current account surplus hammered by the low oil
price. At the same time the huge capital outflows are likely to continue or
even pick up pace. The economy is likely to struggle for the coming months or
years, plagued by uncertainty around all of this and as the chart below shows,
the outlook has worsened considerably recently.
What does Greece actually have to offer Russia ?
As an EU
member, Greece actually has
fairly limited room for manoeuvre in its negotiations with Russia . All
trade policy and negotiations are handled at the EU level, so the hope for any
serious deepening of trade links is unlikely to be fulfilled beyond some talk
of cooperation.
Discussions
are also further limited by the sanctions regime. Greece cannot help remove the
sanctions since this requires unanimous support. However, it could hold up any
further push for sanctions, which also requires unanimity, or even refuse to
agree to extend the sanctions which are periodically reviewed. One further
option which has reportedly been toyed with by Cyprus ,
is giving Russia
some kind of military base or strike some kind of deal on military cooperation.
Another
potential area for cooperation is the energy sector both in terms of gas deals
and exploration rights of potential reserves in Greek waters. Neither of these
options offers any real short term financial gains and could yet be scuppered
by EU plans for energy union or even deeper sanctions.
While Greece does in
theory reserves these options, it would mean a big leap to actually take them
(particularly the military option). Given the intense negotiations going on
between Greece and its Eurozone partners – which are no progressing well,
partly due to a lack of trust – it would probably not be advisable to strike a
deal with a government which many in the EU severely distrust.
Moving onto
China ,
the story is different by the end result is likely to be similar. There will be
talk of closer relations and a more amicable relationship but any significant
change is unlikely. While China
has significantly more funds available to help struggling countries it has
resisted doing so, at least at the sovereign level. Despite many ministers
heading to China
to appeal for government led investment there has been little movement. That
said, China
has used the crisis to pick up undervalued strategic assets via private
investment. A prime example is the port
of Piraeus in which China is
already heavily involved and is keen to purchase part of under the
privatisation programme – though it is not clear if it will go ahead under the
new government. As such, China
is likely to be a potential source for private investment but it will not take
unnecessary risks and is unlikely to offer anything close to a broad sovereign
bailout. Such investment will also be reliant on the new government actually
pursuing a privatisation strategy and welcoming foreign ownership.
All about
negotiations with the EU
In the end,
it is in both sides interest to try to create room for manoeuvre when it comes
to their respective negotiations with the EU/Eurozone. For Greece , it is
useful to have something to barter with and to try to suggest they have some alternative
sources of funding and cooperation (despite everyone largely knowing that it
does not). At least they can use willingness to pull back from Russia as a
bargaing tool. For Russia
it is continuously trying to sow seeds of uncertainty within the EU around
sanctions (the EU has historically struggled to reach consensus on the issue).
It is also helpful for it to have Greece as a messenger inside the
EU.
Ultimately,
the new Greek government is likely to have better relations with both Russia and China
but there is little they can or will do to help Greece beyond its current
predicament. While the Greek government may not agree with its EU partners on
much it is also acutely aware of the damage pulling to close to Moscow and Beijing
will do. As long as Greece
remains in the Euro and probably the EU, any pivot is likely to be largely
superficial.
http://www.forbes.com/sites/raoulruparel/2015/04/07/could-greece-pivot-to-russia-and-china/2/
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