The Wall Street Journal
Should they stay or should
they go? Now that it's (almost) all right to admit that Greece is
insolvent, the question can now be asked: When should it default, and should it
stay inside the euro zone or not?
The first question is a lot
easier than the second. An imminent default, rumored by some on Monday, does
nobody any good. The Greek government still has a primary deficit, and can't
afford to repudiate its debts while it still can't cover its outlays with tax
revenues. It also has no guarantee that the European Central Bank would
continue to lend against defaulted Greek debt, and would have to reckon with
the risk of its banking system collapsing instantly as a result.
For the euro zone, meanwhile,
the imperative has been to postpone a Greek default until Ireland and Portugal
could show the rest of the world that they really are different, and that Greece really
is the only insolvent country in the region. For the other two countries to
save themselves by their own exertions would be the best possible answer to
contagion, and a vindication of the strategy of
austerity-in-return-for-support.
The creditors could, just,
afford to take the risk of forcing Greece
to default now, if it weren't for the fact that Spain
and Italy
have joined the ranks of the invalids, and it doesn't seem tactically sensible
to invite speculation on an Italian default right now.
For all of those reasons, it
seems likely that the two parties will find their way to some kind of
compromise that allows another €8 billion ($10.9 billion) of aid to be
disbursed in October, just before the Greek government runs out of money. That
will buy another three months for the rest of the problem countries, in which
time the European Financial Stability Facility will also become fully
operational as lender of last resort.
But that the situation is
unsustainable is clear to everyone, and protests to the contrary from Athens , Berln and Brussels
are audibly more and more faint-hearted. The question is not whether Europe should plan for a default, but what kind of
default it should plan for.
Pace Nouriel Roubini and
others, an exit from the euro zone and the re-introduction of the drachma is
not the way to go. In the absence of a legal framework for such a step, a Greece that had
defaulted, devalued and struck out on its own would not find that, with one
bound, it was free. It would run straight into a hideous and paralyzing storm
of lawsuits over who had the right to be repaid in euros and who got drachmas
instead.
Advocates of a euro-zone exit
argue that domestic liabilities should be repaid in new currency and foreign
ones in euros. That may just be legally enforceable in a single market which
supposedly guarantees non-discrimination within the whole European Union (although
I doubt it). However, even if applied, it would reward all those—generally
better off and more sophisticated Greeks—who have already taken their money out
of the country. It would complete the impoverishment of one half of Greek
society to the benefit of the other. Even in a world where there are only
unfair solutions left, this would be an injustice with potentially disastrous
consequences.
The other gigantic obstacle to
Greece 's
leaving the euro zone is the fact that more than half of its debt is in the
hands of official creditors. The International Monetary Fund has already lent
€17 billion and euro-zone states €35 billion. In addition, there is the €50
billion or so that the European Central Bank has bought in Greek bonds, and the
€96 billion it holds as collateral in respect of loans to Greek banks (plus
another €15 billion in emergency lending assistance from the Bank of Greece).
That is almost €200 billion
out of a total of €350 billion. In fact, it is well over €200 billion, as the
ECB has not only bought most of its bonds well below face value, it also
applies a hefty discount when it lends against Greek collateral.
The German government's
council of economic advisers estimates that Greece needs its debt cut in half
to be sustainable. As such, if Greece
wants to seek its salvation outside of the euro zone, it will end up paying its
remaining private-sector creditors next to nothing. The notion that it could
soon start borrowing again after that is fanciful.
If, however, it stays within
the euro zone, and continues to cooperate with Frankfurt
in particular, then the outlook for finessing debt relief is far better. The
EFSF can reimburse the ECB at cost for its portfolio of bonds held outright; it
can exchange Greek banks' holdings of sovereign debt for its own at a discount.
That would crystallize some awful losses for the banks, but funds would be
available for recapitalization, and, more importantly, the ECB would have no
trouble accepting the new collateral.
It's an open question as to
whether Greece would be worse ruled by Greek bureaucrats or by EU ones for the
next 10 years, but the technicalities of insolvency, at least, are likely to be
more easily and constructively managed within the euro zone.
Write to Geoffrey T. Smith at
geoffrey.smith@dowjones.com
No comments:
Post a Comment