The
Economist
Free
exchange
Jun 6th 2015 |
THE euro
area has been doing better of late: growth of 0.4% in the first quarter (1.6%
on an annualised basis) was the strongest in the two-year recovery;
unemployment has fallen to 11.1%, its lowest in three years; and inflation is
positive again. There has even been a surge of hope that Greece ’s
membership of the currency may yet be preserved. But even if a deal is stitched
together to keep Greece
in, the euro will soon face a broader crisis. The slow growth and strained
government finances of recent years will soon be dramatically amplified by
demography. And the member facing the most severe onslaught is not a small
Mediterranean country but Germany ,
the euro area’s muscleman.
The
economic impact of an ageing population is initially positive but ultimately
negative. The big generation born after the second world war contributed for
many years to higher growth by making the workforce larger, both in absolute
terms and relative to the population as a whole. But as baby-boomers retire,
they are being replaced by smaller generations born when fertility was much
lower. Unless there are offsetting improvements in productivity or retirement
ages rise sharply, that will pull down potential growth, since there will be
fewer people available to work. The shift is determined by births that occurred
many years ago and medical advances that are stretching longevity, and is therefore
inexorable. An influx of young migrants can only temper it, since the native
population is inevitably much bigger than the number of new arrivals.
The fiscal
impact of an ageing population also has two phases. In the first, public
budgets enjoy a bonus as the rising number of workers swells tax receipts while
the relatively smaller number of the old restrains the cost of pensions. But as
the baby-boomers retire the bonus turns into a penalty. There are fewer people
in the working-age bracket to pay taxes while the growing number of retirees
pushes up age-related spending in two main ways. More people begin drawing
public pensions, and their health care, which is mainly provided by
governments, becomes more expensive. Although expenditure on education tends to
fall, the savings are relatively small.
In
contrast, Europe’s baby boom only really got under way in the 1950s and peaked
in the mid-1960s, so Europe is only now
entering the negative phase. But Europe ’s baby
boom was weaker than the American version and its fertility rate fell further
and faster after it. It dropped well below the replacement rate in the 1970s
and has stayed especially low in southern Europe and Germany . (In Britain and France it has risen back to
American levels in recent years.)
That means
the effect of the inflection will be especially profound in the euro zone. New
projections recently published by the European Commission spell out both the
magnitude and the imminence of the shift. Between 2013 (the base year for the
forecasts) and 2030 the euro zone’s working-age population will decline by 6%
(see chart). The decline is likely to be particularly pronounced in Germany , where
the pool of potential workers will shrink by 13%. The fall in France , in contrast, will be only 1% and Britain will
experience a small increase, of 2%.
As the
working-age population falls, the ranks of pensioners will be growing. That
double squeeze pushes up the old-age dependency ratio (defined as those aged 65
or more relative to 20-to 64-year-olds). In the euro area as a whole the ratio
moves up from 32% in 2013 to 45% in 2030. The demographic change is especially
intense in Germany ,
where the number of pensioners will rise by 5m (an increase of 30%) even as the
working-age population falls by over 6m. That will drive up its dependency
ratio from 34% to 52% in 2030—the highest in Europe apart from the small Baltic
state of Latvia .
No rest for
the childless
These
adverse demographic influences do not automatically condemn the euro-zone
economy to even more sluggish growth. In principle higher productivity growth
could compensate for the declining number of workers, which by the mid-2020s
will be pulling down Germany ’s
GDP growth by around 0.7 percentage points a year, according to the
Commission’s projections. However, even before the financial crisis,
productivity growth in the euro area had slowed. It has been nugatory during the
euro crisis of the past four years. For it to recover even to its previously
disappointing rate of 1% a year would be an achievement in itself.
The most
obvious response to an ageing population is for older people to carry on
working and for pensions to be paid later in their lives. Changes made in Italy in 2011,
for example, yanked up the retirement age. This could potentially raise the
labour supply sharply as more 50- and 60-somethings stay in the workforce.
Similarly, in or out of the euro zone, Greece needs to tackle early
retirement. Even with such reforms, however, the zone will struggle to grow at
a reasonable rate in the next 15 years. That will make it tough to tackle the
big private- as well as public-debt overhangs that afflict many of its member
states, leaving them vulnerable to further setbacks.
The fact
that ageing will be especially pronounced in Germany matters because of its
weight in the monetary union. The resilience of its economy bolstered the euro
area during the crisis. But demography will weaken the zone’s biggest economy.
Indeed the new projections show Britain
(assuming it stays together and remains in the European Union) supplanting Germany as the
most populous country in the EU by 2050. The ageing of its population will
hobble the euro area’s strongman.
http://www.economist.com/news/finance-and-economics/21653660-europes-ageing-population-poses-long-term-threat-monetary-union-force
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