By the
Editors Nov 18, 2011 2:12 AM GMT+0200
Bloomberg
As the euro
area walks step by sickening step toward an avoidable economic catastrophe,
German Chancellor Angela Merkel
continues to oppose forthright action by the European Central Bank.
She argues
that it would be wrong to guarantee sovereign debt -- with printed money, no
less -- and would wreck the bank’s credibility. It would also be illegal, she
insists: The relevant EU treaty forbids it.
She’s
wrong. The ECB can and must play the
decisive role
in stabilizing
The treaty
says that the ECB cannot lend to countries directly -- but the bank could act indirectly in any number of ways, such as
intervening in the secondary markets or channeling assistance through an
intermediary such as the International Monetary Fund. Remember that the ECB has
already bought some government bonds in the secondary markets, albeit on a
modest scale.
The letter of the treaty is also no obstacle to promising larger purchases, if
needed. Such a pledge, if believed, might render intervention on a huge scale
unnecessary. The assurance by itself would steady the markets’ nerves.
What about
the spirit of the treaty? Here, we must admit, Merkel has a point. Many of the
euro’s architects did wish to deny EU member governments recourse to central
bank debt financing -- or quantitative easing, as it’s politely called in the U.S. But the
current emergency simply wasn’t foreseen in those discussions. If these aren’t
“unusual and exigent” circumstances (in U.S. Federal Reserve parlance) calling
for extraordinary measures, it’s hard to know what would qualify.
For sure,
once ECB intervention had contained the immediate crisis, difficult questions
would arise about the future of the monetary union. Knowing that the ECB would
act as lender of last resort might incline governments to overborrow all over
again (the dreaded moral hazard). The essential quid pro quo for ECB action on
the needed scale is a tougher system of oversight of budget deficits and
meaningful sanctions against violators. That’s no small challenge, but it can
wait.
As we have
long argued, the ECB must act as lender of last resort to Europe ’s
governments. Truly insolvent states such as Greece will have to default and
restructure their debts, which can be done in an orderly way so long as the
euro doesn’t split. The crucial thing now is to stand behind the sovereign
debts of the rest of the system. There, solvency is not the issue, and the
panic can be stemmed.
Without ECB
action, though, the panic is spreading. At a debt auction yesterday, Spain had to offer a yield only fractionally
below 7 percent -- the threshold at which Ireland
and Portugal
had to seek bailouts -- to sell its government bonds. Its access to market
funding is in jeopardy. Increasingly, the European core is being sucked in,
too. On the same day, the interest rate on 5-year French bonds rose to nearly 3
percent, a surge of half a percentage point.
In the
immediate term, honoring the spirit of the treaty as originally conceived risks
tearing down the very thing the treaty was intended to build: Europe ’s
single currency. If the price of
preserving the ECB’s credibility is to destroy the monetary union over which
the ECB presides, what’s the point? Merkel may be ready to burn the village
to save it. Europe’s other leaders should tell her firmly, no thanks.
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