MAY 25, 2015 9:24 AM
The New
York Times
By Paul
Krugman
We just had
another electoral earthquake in the euro area: Podemos-backed candidates have
won local elections in Madrid and Barcelona . And I hope
that the IFKAT — the institutions formerly known as the troika — are paying
attention.
The essence
of the Greek situation is that the actual parameters of a short-run deal are
clear and unavoidable: Greece
can’t run a primary budget deficit, because nobody will lend it new money, and
it won’t (and basically can’t) run a large primary surplus, because you can’t
squeeze even more blood from that stone. So you would think that an agreement
for Greece
to run a modest primary surplus over the next few years would be easy to reach
— that is what will happen, so why not make it official?
But now the
IMF is playing bad cop, declaring that it cannot release funds until Syriza
toes the line on pensions and labor market reform. The latter is dubious
economics — the IMF’s own research doesn’t support enthusiasm about structural
reforms, especially in the labor market. The former probably recognizes a real
problem — Greece probably can’t deliver what it has promised pensioners — but
why should this be an issue over and above the general question of the primary
surplus.
What I
would urge everyone to do is ask what happens if Greece is in fact pushed out of the
euro. (Yes, Grexit — ugly word, but we’re stuck with it.)
It would
surely be ugly in Greece ,
at least at first. Right now the core euro countries believe that the rest of
the euro area can handle it, which might be true. Bear in mind, however, that
the supposed firewall of ECB support has never actually been tested. If markets
lose faith and the time for ECB purchases of Spanish or Italian bonds arises,
will it really happen?
But the
bigger question is what happens a year or two after Grexit, where the real risk
to the euro is not that Greece
will fail but that it will succeed. Suppose that a greatly devalued new drachma
brings a flood of British beer-drinkers to the Ionian Sea, and Greece starts
to recover. This would greatly encourage challengers to austerity and internal
devaluation elsewhere.
Think about
it. Just the other day the Very Serious Europeans were hailing Spain as a great
success story, a vindication of the whole program. Evidently the Spanish people
don’t agree. And if the anti-establishment forces have a recovering Greece to point
to, the discrediting of the establishment will accelerate.
One
conclusion, I guess, is that Germany
should try to sabotage Greece
post-exit. But I hope that will be considered unacceptable.
So think
about it, IFKATs: are you really sure you want to start going down this road?
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