10,
2015
Political
Economy
By HUGO DIXON | REUTERS
Not only
does the government, led by Alexis Tsipras, lack a credible plan for reaching
agreement with its eurozone creditors and the International Monetary Fund, it
doesn’t seem to have a thought-out fallback plan of how to default while
containing the damage.
Greek
financial markets have perked up in the past few weeks, largely because Yanis
Varoufakis, the combative finance minister, has been sidelined from discussions
with the creditors.
The new
composition of the negotiating team has led to more productive talks, but there
is still a mountain to climb and little to no chance of a deal when eurozone
finance ministers . meet on Monday
When Mr.
Tsipras took office in January, he seemed to have thought he could extract more
cash from his creditors as well as secure relief on Athens ’s debts without undertaking serious
reforms. This was pie in the sky.
The
government also didn’t initially factor into its calculations how badly the
economy would be damaged by months of political uncertainty and a liquidity
crisis. In November, the European Commission was predicting growth of 2.9
percent this year. Last week, it cut that to 0.5 percent, and even that could
prove optimistic.
The
deteriorating economy means Athens
will find it a lot harder to balance its books. Even if its creditors lower the
budget target for this year, the government will have to introduce more
austerity measures, and that will further damage the economy.
Mr. Tsipras
hopes he can persuade his eurozone creditors to lend Greece some cash in the next few
weeks to stave off bankruptcy. But that will only be possible if he crosses his
own red lines on matters like pensions, labor laws and value-added taxes.
Even if Athens survives its
immediate liquidity crunch, it will struggle to secure a long-term deal.
Negotiations on that are scheduled to finish by the end of June, but they are
not supposed to start until the talks on the short-term deal are concluded.
The problem
is not merely a matter of time. It is also a matter of money. Given Greece ’s
deteriorating economy, the next bailout will require more than previously
estimated — perhaps topping €50 billion. It will be hard to persuade other
eurozone nations to cough up this sort of cash, not least because good will
toward Greece
has almost vanished.
Given such
a gloomy prognosis, it is important to examine alternatives. There are two:
default and leave the euro, or default and stay in the single currency.
The latter
would be the least bad option, though far from good. To minimize the damage,
the government would have to recapitalize the banks, as a default by the
government would tip them into insolvency, too. If they weren’t recapitalized,
the European Central Bank would cut off liquidity, the banks would go bust and
the economy would be dragged further into the abyss.
The snag is
that Athens
would not itself have the cash to bail the banks out and wouldn’t be able to
get any money from abroad either. The only solution would be to “bail in”
depositors — converting a portion of their savings into new equity in the
banks.
Although
the banks are not very exposed to the government, they would also need to be
recapitalized to take account of the fact that more loans to the private sector
would turn sour.
If Athens defaulted, it
would also have to live within its means. Although the government would no
longer need to find cash to pay its creditors, it would still have to cut
salaries and pensions because tax receipts would fall in line with the
deteriorating economy.
Some
pundits, including Martin Wolf, of The Financial Times, suggest that Athens should instead pay
salaries and pensions by issuing i.o.u.s. This would be a bad idea because,
whatever the government said, the Greek people would see these i.o.u.s as the
precursor of new drachmas and would discount them heavily.
Tax revenue
would plummet — partly because the economy would be shrinking and partly
because citizens would be loath to pay taxes in euros if they thought the
drachma was around the corner. So the government would have to issue yet more
i.o.u.s, leading to a vicious circle in which quitting the euro might become a
self-fulfilling prophecy.
But that’s
not a good option either. Quite apart from the fact that the Greek people don’t
want to leave the single currency, the transition to the drachma would be
nightmarish. And even once the currency was reintroduced, there is little
likelihood the government would run a responsible economic policy. It would
probably print money, fueling a spiral of inflation and devaluation.
Given that
even the best Plan B is dire, Mr. Tsipras should work out a realistic strategy
for how he is going to come to terms with his creditors. And do so fast.
Hugo Dixon
is editor at large of Reuters News.
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